Migrant workers were offered cash, local residency and "outstanding migrant worker" titles in exchange for information.
Products prominent in their work include auto insurance, homeowners insurance, commercial property insurance, workers' compensation, title insurance, malpractice insurance, products liability insurance, directors and officers liability insurance, environmental and marine insurance, terrorism insurance, and other types of liability insurance.
The list of animosities is endless: Palestinians and Jews hate each other; Arabs detest Persians; Turks distrust Kurds as agents of colonialism; Sunnis despise Shiites; Israelis see black African refugees as a mortal threat; Gulf citizens envision hordes of Asian and Arab workers claiming title to their family-run states; and Muslims eye non-Muslims as impure encroachments.
This latest blow to civil rights by the Trump administration comes at a moment of tremendous promise: The Second Circuit appears poised to expand protections for lesbian and gay workers under Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, the federal law that bars on-the-job discrimination on the basis of sex, race, color, national origin and religion.
As blue-collar jobs increasingly disappeared in the 1970s, political commentary and popular culture sought to understand "The World of the Blue-Collar Worker," the title of one book investigating the matter.
The true intent of the Republican bill is shrouded in a worker-friendly title -- "The Working Families Flexibility Act" -- so do not be deceived.
It's time to set the record straight: changing a worker's title to "independent contractor" is an age-old way to claim exemption from core labor and tax laws.
Workers with no title (OR 7.02, p<0.05) were more satisfied than workers with a senior title.
Half of the instructional workers supported by Title I money were teachers' aides.
All the industries that serve oil workers — steak houses, title brokers and bars — have done well in the boom.
