The kind of guest-worker reform Mr. Bloomberg wants has languished in Congress for more than a decade, stymied by Republican opposition.
And if you prefer that kind of modest, "let's have more high-skilled workers" reform to what the Senate bill sets out to do, it's hard to see how an amendment or a conference is going to close the gulf between the two approaches, and simply ridiculous to say that opponents should vote yes now and save their objections till the next debate or "the next generation".
While the reforms in Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain arguably bring substantive reduction of EPL for permanent workers, reforms in France and the Netherlands were more subtle.
Aligning themselves with their Republican colleagues, caucus members have blocked a range of environmental and pro-worker reforms.
They also put new wage and safety regulations on the books to protect coal miners, construction workers and home care workers, reforms that had been decades in the making.
The basic theme is the underlying idea that a text segment expresses, such as "sex workers must reform" or "sex workers are not respectable".
Governing as a near vanished breed of moderate Republican, the very business-friendly Schwarzenegger cut costs with a big workers compensation reform that displeased many worker advocates.
As frustrating as that sounds, sex worker law reform has been a slow process everywhere.
More important, perhaps, progressives to a large degree achieved their economic and social objectives among them, strict regulation of intrastate railroads and public utilities, legislation to prevent child labour and to protect women workers, penal reform, expanded charitable services to the poor, and accident insurance systems to provide compensation to workers and their families.
For months he has insisted that the only way to get workers' compensation insurance rates down in Illinois is to enact the most severe version of workers' comp reform -- a model used by only a few other states.
