Sentence examples for types of legitimacy from inspiring English sources

This was the "nationalist monarchy," whereby the monarch ruled on behalf of his society's nationalist aspirations and drive for independence (as opposed to the earlier types of legitimacy).

Securing these types of legitimacy is shown to require the adoption and alignment of varying legitimation strategies according to the constituency practitioners seek to influence.

Moreover, it will allow us to ascertain whether the conceptualisations of legitimacy by stakeholders reflect one or more of the types of legitimacy that the organisational literature discusses.

The legitimacy of these three subjects' qualification (the origin of this type of legitimacy will not be discussed in this paper) could be constructed during the participation processes.

Each type of legitimacy (pragmatic, moral and cognitive) identified by Suchman [Suchman, M. C. (1995). Managing legitimacy: strategic and institutional approaches. Academy of Management Review 20 (3), 571 610] in his typology is then used to link the descriptive categories of the standard-setting process to the determinants of participation suggested by Vroom.

For example, Suchman illustrates that different types and subtypes of legitimacy exist and that organisations may choose different legitimation strategies depending on their goals and institutional contexts.

Galicia, Catalonia and the Basque Country have never been independent states before, and therefore cannot claim the same type of historic legitimacy that can be brandished by, say, Scotland or Bavaria.

The four types of general theory of legitimacy are consent theories, reasonable consensus theories, associative obligation theories and instrumentalist theories.

Plebiscites are elections held to decide two paramount types of political issues: government legitimacy and the nationality of territories contested between governments.

Nevertheless, when new types of diseases emerged, the legitimacy and increasing returns associated with YAWS posed challenges to agency adaptability and response to country needs.

More fundamentally, many participants did not accord privileged status to personalised risk information, but instead viewed it as merely one of several types of evidence with at least equal legitimacy and weight in the decision-making process: Oh, no.