In aggregation, any single sample of behavior reflects not only the relevant general disposition, but also the influence of various other factors unique to the particular occasion, situation, and action being observed (see Ajzen [1991]).
In sum, we have demonstrated that individual differences in creativity can indeed be reliably assessed from thin slices (i.e., brief samples) of behavior, such as single-word utterances.
Furthermore, the initial content validation process [ 6] found that the POES is relevant and has coverage as the items represent a sample of behaviors that reflect occupational engagement among people with severe mental illness.
Ecological momentary assessment (EMA) involves repeated sampling of individuals' behaviors and experiences in real-time, in the individuals' natural environment (see article by Arora in this issue).
In these PRIME surveys [ 9, 10] we received the required pre-specified number of responses from a population sample who had a range of behavior, behavioral simulation and intention, and who reported a range of cognitions.
Through the late 80's and early 90's, AIDS researchers, stymied in their efforts to secure federal funds to reprise the Kinsey study with a national sample of sexual behavior, conducted instead a mosaic of small studies focused on subgroups.
Videos are also helpful in presenting samples of relevant behavior.
Besides the inherent error band around any IQ test score because tests are a "sample of learned behavior", IQ scores can also be misleading because test-givers fail to follow standardized administration and scoring procedures.
Furthermore, we have shown that the impact of this explicit cue on creative performance can be observed in brief samples of observed behavior.
Thus, our cued creativity verb generation task offers a more objective, corpus-based measure of creative performance that captures the degree of novelty of participants' responses in brief samples of observed behavior and serves as a reliable index of individual differences in creativity.
