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Call them "rogue democracies".
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This month, these resentments surfaced when Mr. Mbeki addressed South Africa's National Assembly, criticizing those who describe South Africa as a rogue democracy because "we refuse to serve as their subservient" stone throwers against Mr. Mugabe.
South Africa is an example of a young democracy that seems to have lost its way in how it considers and practices diplomacy it is what one observer has called a "rogue democracy" [ 3].
And then there is the problem of a different kind of rogue: The democracy whose human rights record or foreign policies fall short of international standards but don't raise eyebrows.
The targets of the United Nations' zeal will be the democracies, not the rogues and despots of the world.
Arguably, a democracy strays into rogue territory when a country cannot muster any checks on the power plays of an elected leader who chooses not to step aside and rewrites the rules accordingly.
Last year, security officials said that "rogue elements" within their ranks had assassinated democracy advocates.
What we do know is that there should be no place in our democracy for this kind of rogue operation.
But these same pressures on countries to open up, get up to speed for globalization and build institutions that are squeezing the rogues are also threatening to turn some old and new democracies -- Pakistan, Indonesia, Venezuela, Colombia, Nigeria, Peru and maybe Russia -- into new rogues.
The removal of Saddam Hussein was meant to eradicate weapons of mass destruction, create a model democracy in the Middle East and demonstrate to rogue states that they could not defy the world's only superpower.
How to deal with this new type of rogue, or to know when to recognize one, is not easy for established democracies.
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Justyna Jupowicz-Kozak
CEO of Professional Science Editing for Scientists @ prosciediting.com