The downside, however, is that individuals are not asked about the timing of their domestic relocation; hence, annual measures of municipal-level domestic migration cannot be constructed.
First, we use net migration for the municipal cross section, and find similar results to those that use gross migrations.
We also find little evidence of increased international migration at the municipal level, but some evidence of increased migration at the state level.
Using data from the Mexican Census and labor force surveys, we estimate the impact of violence on migration at the municipal and state levels.
We also find little evidence of international migration at the municipal level, but some evidence of it at the state level.
To estimate the model we use panel data on international migration at the municipal level from the Census and panel data on domestic and international migration at the state level from labor force surveys.
This is because the relevant municipal-level data on international migration indicators as well as socioeconomic ones is only gathered every 10 years.
To identify the relationship between violent death and migration rates at the municipal and state level, we instrument for the violence using kilometers of federal highways interacted with shocks to the cocaine supply from Colombia.
Information on dates of death and migration was obtained through the municipal registries.
This is why most of the studies on Spanish emigration had to rely on destination country information.1 It was not until 1998 that an organized attempt was made to keep records of migration inflows and outflows based on municipal registers, which yielded the migration module of the Estadística de Variaciones Residenciales, available since 2002.
They found that migration is driven primarily by mean municipal income, which is a function of climate change, water availability, and agricultural yields.
