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True, phrases like "terror plots" or "terror threat level" can make terror seem merely a headline writer's shortening of the word terrorism.
The Brazilian ad agency DDB used computer imaging to show a swarm of aircraft attacking Manhattan, the tagline suggesting climate disasters will make terror attacks look insignificant.
Radical asymmetries of power, more than moral barbarity alone, are what make terror seem like a logical strategy for the weak.
With civil war spreading from the Vendée and hostile armies surrounding France on all sides, the Revolutionary government decided to make "Terror" the order of the day (September 5 decree) and to take harsh measures against those suspected of being enemies of the Revolution (nobles, priests, hoarders).
In this way, we would automatically make terror recruitment much, much harder.
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"He's a slippery man," the director Barbet Schroeder, who made "Terror's Advocate," a 2007 documentary on Mr. Vergès and terrorism as a political weapon, told The New York Times in 2007.
He warned that control orders made terror suspects less cooperative in subsequent investigations.
Over the years, Mr. Gohmert has compared homosexuality to bestiality, endorsed a column likening Barack Obama's presidency to Adolf Hitler's dictatorship and warned anyone who will listen that evil-doers are making "terror babies" who — like human time bombs — will be trained abroad, only to return some day to wreak havoc in America.
A further message made terror threats against the United States and criticised its opposition to the Assad regime.
This is what makes terror and torture so horrifying and incomprehensible.
For a brief moment J-horror did just that: It made terror personal.
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Justyna Jupowicz-Kozak
CEO of Professional Science Editing for Scientists @ prosciediting.com