Because of this overlap of the legislative and executive branches, parliamentary systems have fewer checks and balances — fewer of what Victor Fuchs, a health economist at Stanford, calls "choke points for special interests to block or reshape legislation," such as filibusters or Presidential vetoes.
In 1879, when Woodrow Wilson was a senior at Princeton, he wrote a celebrated essay advocating a British-style "cabinet government," in which the heads of State, Treasury, and so on would simultaneously serve in the Senate, thus linking the legislative and executive branches in a unified system of majority rule.
In parliamentary systems, the legislative and executive branches are one, so focusing on an agenda is a given.
The other would actually call the convention and specify its scope: governance, including the structure of the legislative and executive branches; elections, including the electoral system and the initiative process itself; the budget-making process; and the state's revenue relationship with local government.
So, the English political system combined legislative and executive powers.
Holding high legislative and executive office provides access to a patronage system, protection for business, access to public finance, and immunity from prosecution.
The justice system is subordinate to the legislative and executive branches of government.
The judicial system, known as the poder judicial, is independent of the legislative and executive branches of government.
This system's failure to functionally serve the citizens brings Fukuyama to two other causes of legislative and executive weakness and, as he puts it, institutional decay.
That includes the legislative and executive branches.
