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I argue that the new labour geography can provide some interesting insights into such processes.
In our editorial introduction to this themed issue on labour geography, we outline some important on-going debates in the relatively young field of labour geography and suggest future directions for research.
The agency of labour will likely remain a defining feature of labour geography, but perhaps it is not as important to construct theoretical analytical boundaries as it is to define labour geography as a political project.
Fourth, there is some debate on the costs and benefits of a 'normative' labour geography which emphasizes what workers and their organizations 'could' or even 'should' do.
While these articles may not address every gap in the literature, they do contribute in significant ways to move the labour geography project forward.
This paper engages with contemporary debates in labour geography through its focus on: migrant workers as active agents of change; precarious employment, its complexities and consequences; and the importance of material spaces in migrant labour struggles.
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One suspects that its first victims, however, will be places that have relied on low labour costs and geography to capture the most basic of supply-chain roles.
You can't separate atmospheres out, quite, or see where one begins and another ends, but certainly in that summer of its genesis you could find some of New Labour's shiny, happy geography in what we have come to know as Curtisland.
Sassen's analysis of the archetypal global city focused, amongst other things, on the dynamic polarisation of wealth, class, the labour market and social geography (Sassen, 2001, pp. 308 314, 321 323), with immigrants playing a crucial role in driving this polarisation, contributing both to the highly remunerated elites and, more massively, to the low-wage subproletariat.
The fruit of his labour is the Essential Geography of the United States of America, a highly informative map that does away with the muddle of rainbow-coloured states of traditional US maps, instead delineating boundaries in green and allowing each state's actual features – mountains, forests, lakes, urban centres, highways – to characterise those places.
The sample was a representative sample from the Danish workforce, where the distribution of gender, age, labour market attachment, and geography was the same as for the general population in Denmark [ 22].
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