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It has long been held that one judicial contest is enough for the litigants on a particular claim or defense.
Under New York law, any party whose candidate for governor receives 50,000 votes then gets a line on the ballot in every general election over the next four years, from the humblest judicial contest to the United States Senate races.
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There are other hot judicial contests in Michigan, Kansas, Alabama, and Colorado.
This has produced a quirky result: The primary's marquee events are three judicial contests in Brooklyn.
But the ruling did not deal with judicial contests, which raise concerns about preserving judicial fairness in the face of heavy election spending.
But the Arizona ruling did not deal with judicial contests, which raise special concerns for preserving the appearance and reality of fair decision-making by elected judges.
The moves by governors, legislators and citizens' groups have been spurred by judicial contests that have been more fierce and more expensive than ever.
Much will depend on the Legislature's provision of full financing for the new system and whether big-money interests show respect for the public by tempering their spending in judicial contests, leaving candidates to speak for themselves.
In response to such travesties, judicial reformers have stepped up their call for public financing and strict fund-raising rules for state judicial contests or a switch to a nonelective merit selection system.
These slugfests are largely underwritten by well-heeled interest groups — including insurance companies, tobacco firms, the building and health care industries, unions and trial lawyers — that have seized upon judicial contests as a promising avenue for influence-peddling.
But in these states, too, political activity around judicial contests has ratcheted upward.
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Justyna Jupowicz-Kozak
CEO of Professional Science Editing for Scientists @ prosciediting.com