In June 2014 Abdullah joined the anti-Islamic State international coalition to ward off increasing suspicion of Saudi sponsorship of radical jihadi groups in Syria.
On the Saudi side, the departure of US troops stationed in the country to neighbouring Qatar was meant to debunk jihadi pledges to "remove infidels from the Arabian peninsula".
The extradition of a mentally ill British suspect to face trial in the US for running a jihadi training camp was lawful, the European court of human rights has ruled.
In the deeply troubling phenomenon of suburban jihadists, young people with narcissistic traits may also be attracted to what terrorism expert Raphaello Pantucci calls "jihadi cool".
In a few days, I am to marry a Tunisian jihadi doctor.
In November, fears of a jihadi "blowback" were fanned by a sectarian attack at al-Ahsa, in the kingdom's eastern province, which killed five people on the Shia religious holiday of Ashura.
The government has ramped up efforts to prevent more British youngsters from being lured into terrorism as a result of jihadi propaganda by rushing fresh resources into new areas from where Muslim men have travelled overseas to join Isis and other jihadi groups.
We dread the jihadi radicalism that seeps from the Middle East into Europe.
Related: Isis, carnage and 3.5m refugees: a day devoted to Syria's four-year war This week I listened to a talk given at the London School of Economics by Jean-Pierre Filiu, a French Arabist, academic, former diplomat and long-time specialist on violent jihadi movements.
And whereas the jihadi ultras of the "war on terror" era were an unpopular, marginalised minority within the Iraqi resistance, always fought and opposed by the mainstream of the Sunni Arab insurgency, Isis succeeds because of the support it enjoys within much of the population it seeks to rule.
There is a lamppost and noose waiting for every jihadi that comes back to Britain and their scum enablers and sympathizers.
