Using this method to construct an index of inequality of well-being is fine, but using it to construct an index of inequality of incomes would be strange, although it would immediately reveal that income inequality is not always bad (when it compensates for unequal needs).
'Luck egalitarians' have argued that, in general, we should discount the moral significance of negative outcomes suffered by an agent (e.g., an inequality of well-being), at least when they are the clear result of a clear choice by that same agent with the result that these outcomes neither count as injustices nor are they eligible for social redress (see Anderson 1999).
In some recorded remarks shown at the conference, M.I.T.'s Robert Solow suggested that, at U.S. levels of inequality, there might well be a negative relationship, with inequality retarding growth.
Cowen, for example, notes that income inequality is on the way up while the inequality of personal well-being is on the way down.
Mounting evidence suggests, however, that per-capita income is a less reliable measure of well-being when income inequality has been rising rapidly, as it has in recent decades.
But there are things communities and community organizations don't do well, and systemically addressing inequality and inequality of opportunity is one of them.
Inequality of incomes is higher still.
Atkinson thinks that the division between inequality of outcome and inequality of opportunity is largely false.
His most recent book, The Great Escape: health, wealth and the origins of inequality, was well-received when it was published last year.
Examples of such healthcare inequalities, however well meaning, are seen with international HIV-AIDS work, owing to its relative funding, compared to other more under-resourced diseases.
Many inequalities of this type are well known in the literature, such as (L< L A,G)), (I(A,G)< I), and (T A,Q)< T); see, for instance, [13, 30].
