For this reason this strategy has been suggested in the case of race, gender, and other human kinds (Haslanger 2003, 2005; Mallon 2003, 2006), and more generally for scientific facts (Boyd 1992).
Insofar as these and similar processes prove to be important and pervasive, they may provide an account of underlying psychological mechanisms in virtue of which constructionist claims about human kinds might be true.
And second, since human kinds (races) have a cultural and moral component, agency is not without contextualizing factors, as "one generation is, of necessity, the framer and shaper of both the character and the destiny of another" (145 46).
On Hacking's model, one he called "the looping effect of human kinds," the conception of the behavior may be part of an epistemic project of understanding a human kind that in turn gives rise to the clusters of traits that the theory represents (thereby providing epistemic support for the conception).
But "construction" talk has a more or less independent, but equally contentious life in the "human nature wars" where it labels the position that human traits (for example the emotions) or human kinds (which we can think of categories whose members share traits or clusters of traits, including, especially, dispositions to think and behave) are produced by culture rather than by biology or nature.
Social role accounts of traits or kinds may be paired with constructionist accounts of the representations that structure the social roles, and indeed, this is the natural way to read much constructionist work: work that is committed to explaining both theories of human kinds and the traits those theories purport to explain by appeal to social agents.
Then there's the human kind.
A find like this is something for all human kind".
"I wanted to do something that benefits human kind.
"What kind of Jew are you?" The flawed, complex, human kind.
A great man who dedicated his life to our congregation, the Jewish people, and human kind.
