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The argument for mitigation commitments by India for some decades to come looks even weaker once we take into account the existing international agreements and equity.
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The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change to which 192 countries currently subscribe explicitly exempts the developing countries from mitigation commitments.
Recognizing that Clinton was indirectly calling for India to accept mitigation commitments at Copenhagen, India's environment minister Jairam Ramesh reacted swiftly and sharply stating that his country was "simply not in a position to take on legally binding emissions [reduction] targets".
"A shared vision for long-term co-operative action, including a long-term global goal for emission reductions". "Measurable, reportable and verifiable nationally appropriate mitigation commitments or actions... by all developed country parties". Did they get it?
Setting aside the equity issue for the moment, if India were to accept even modest mitigation commitments, it will have to seriously compromise its growth.
There could be a stumbling block over the basic emission mitigation commitments.
Let me make clear at the outset that the opposition to mitigation commitments at the aggregate level is not to be confused with opposition to all mitigation.
Given their disproportionately large current emissions, even very substantial mitigation commitments leave them with disproportionately large future emission rights.
Indeed, developed countries have chosen to play strategically by framing the negotiation in term mitigation commitments rather than emission rights.
What about the argument that India is highly vulnerable to the risks posed by global warming and therefore risks devastation unless it accepts mitigation commitments?
The APEC story drowned out the positive announcements of new mitigation commitments by Brazil and South Korea.
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Justyna Jupowicz-Kozak
CEO of Professional Science Editing for Scientists @ prosciediting.com