For example, meta-ethnography works well with primary qualitative studies offering "thick descriptions" and in-depth analysis.
In an ethnography of work relations in the textile industry in South India, De Neve (2001: 160) finds that the authority of an employer draws from his ability to become a patron, that is to provide jobs and lend money.
In this institutional ethnography study, the "familiar" that we aim to make "strange" are the everyday, routinized work processes that practitioners may no longer "see" because they have, as most routines do, become "taken-for-granted".
But the most intriguing idea may be a mandatory first-year class called "Ethnographies of Work".
Another, "Ethnographies of Work," will study sociology and business through the lens of various careers, and put students in touch with potential future employers.
As I write in my latest Currents column, the new college requires that first-year students take a course called "Ethnographies of Work".
Like recent ethnographies of work and lives in post-Fordist and post-welfare Europe (Muehlebach 2011; Molé 2011; Muehlebach and Shoshan 2012), this literature points to a rupture in modernity's anticipation of a continuous, forward-projecting time (Masquelier 2002; Carrier 2005).
Seminal health-related meta-ethnography publications (worked examples by Britten et al. [ 17], Atkins et al. [ 20], Malpass et al. [ 6], Campbell et al. [ 16] and a methodological report by Campbell et al. [ 19]) have been published since the early 2000s.
In short, ethnography is "the work of describing culture" [ 31, 32].
