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Each ideological group has a comfortable place to land.
We consider each ideological group (A, B and AB) as a species.
Similarly, let (sigma _{5,i}^{x_1 x_2}) be the probability that each ideological voter votes for (iin {1,2,3}), after having observed the policy proposal ((x_1,x_2)in {E,A}^2).
Hence, as Alison Jaggar's classic text, Feminist Politics and Human Nature, spelled out, each ideological approach drew feminist scholars who would both take their cue from and borrow the language of a particular ideology (Jaggar 1983).
Thus, for example, if (sigma _4^{x_1 x_2}=(1/2,1/2,0)) and (sigma _5^{x_1 x_2}=(0,0,1)), we have a situation in which each non-ideological voter votes for each of the two mainstream candidates with probability 1 / 2, and each ideological voter votes for the third candidate with probability one.
In trying to appeal to the vast unrepresented middle, the platform probably also needs to accept goals that each ideological wing instinctively resists.
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But instead of battling each of ideological antichrists, they are working to bring them together.
Now, what about a mixed strategy in which each non-ideological voter were to vote for each of the two mainstream candidates with probability 1 / 2?
Since (beta >1/2, g={2}), in which case the payoff to each non-ideological voter would be (1-hat{q}).
Let (sigma _{4,i}^{x_1 x_2}) be the probability that each non-ideological voter votes for (iin {1,2,3}), after having observed the policy proposal ((x_1,x_2)in {E,A}^2).
Here, if (Gsubseteq {{1},{3},{1,3}}), the payoff to each non-ideological voter would be (hat{q}), whereas it would be smaller otherwise.44 Hence, non-ideological voters must prevent candidate 2 from entering the government.
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Since I tried Ludwig back in 2017, I have been constantly using it in both editing and translation. Ever since, I suggest it to my translators at ProSciEditing.

Justyna Jupowicz-Kozak
CEO of Professional Science Editing for Scientists @ prosciediting.com