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When Obama's foreign policy signalled a return to a multilateralism that recognised the end of America's post-Second World War dominance, movement conservatives howled.
Our collective interest lies in building a multilateralism in which the interests of the poorest countries and people are at the centre of global decision-making and action.
The challenge for East Asia, of course, is achieving a "multilateralism of the unwilling".
The Libyan crisis presented a rare example in global politics of a multilateralism that was almost universal.
So, even as the two countries aim for but never reach a G-2 arrangement, the best way to maintain global coordination and overcome regional rivalry would be by setting up a "multilateralism of the unwilling" in East Asia to manage disputes between large and small powers.
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And could there be a case for a new multilateralism based on putting resources from donors and new MICs together?
And she brought valuable resources to her mission: a close relationship with the president, a penchant for multilateralism, a collection of deputies who wanted to reach out to the UN, and, for a while, an adoring press.
Preventing that will require continued high military expenditures combined with an unrelenting multilateralism of a sort we have not pursued since the 1990s.
But we must also show Britain has learnt the lessons of our recent history with an approach based on a genuine multilateralism, working with others to build alliances across continents against Isis and their ideology.
Fourth, that we need a new multilateralism to tackle the new global challenges we face.
A new multilateralism should have two dimensions: international institutions, and international alliances.
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Justyna Jupowicz-Kozak
CEO of Professional Science Editing for Scientists @ prosciediting.com