Southern Min dialects also have an optional nasal property, which is written with a superscript and usually identified as being part of the vowel.
Parental dialects were derived from mapping parental hometowns onto Ang's 洪惟仁 (2013) Min dialectal map, and were the main basis for determining the speakers' dialect, as Min is considered to be mainly a language of private domains (Huang 黃宣範 1993), and thus, home should be a major setting for Min usage.
Some dialects such as Northern Min, certain Xiang dialects, Hakka Chinese, and some Yue Chinese use 隻 for the noun referring to people, rather than 個 (ge).
A more recent study on all three dialects of Min implies that the realization of /dz/ might have further evolved.
This study thus intends to simultaneously compare across the three major dialects of Min, Chiang, Chôan, and Mix, with regard to the realization of /dz/ in order to provide a more complete picture of the status quo of the sound variation.
This study examined the realization of /dz/ in three dialects of Taiwan Min among young speakers based on a paragraph-reading task.
According to Ang 洪惟仁 (2013), there are three major dialects of Southern Min spoken in Taiwan, 漳 Chiang, 泉 Chôan, and Mix, with uneven distributions4.
Although Chuang and Fon (2017) found that young Min speakers of all three dialects showed relatively high intra-speaker consistency with regard to the realization of /dz/, it is unclear whether this consistency is gender-specific, or whether it is a more general phenomenon, as they included only female speakers.
All participants learned only Mandarin and Taiwanese Southern Min and no other languages or dialects before the age of 7. None of the participants took part in any of the pretests.
